By National Research Council, Division of Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education, Institute of Medicine, Youth, and Families Board on Children, Joah G. Iannotta, Elena O. Nightingale, Baruch Fischhoff

Adolescents evidently don't continually act in ways in which serve their very own top pursuits, at the same time outlined through them. occasionally their conception in their personal dangers, even of survival to maturity, is greater than the truth; in different situations, they underestimate the dangers of specific activities or behaviors. it's attainable, certainly most likely, that a few young people have interaction in dicy behaviors due to a belief of invulnerability-the present traditional knowledge of adults' perspectives of adolescent habit. Others, although, take dangers simply because they consider susceptible to some extent drawing close hopelessness. In both case, those perceptions can advised teenagers to make terrible judgements that may positioned them in danger and go away them susceptible to actual or mental damage that can have a unfavourable influence on their long term overall healthiness and viability.

A small making plans staff was once shaped to increase a workshop on reconceptualizing adolescent hazard and vulnerability. With investment from Carnegie company of latest York, the Workshop on Adolescent chance and Vulnerability: surroundings Priorities happened on March thirteen, 2001, in Washington, DC. The workshop's aim was once to place into standpoint the complete burden of vulnerability that teenagers face, profiting from the becoming societal quandary for youth, the necessity to set priorities for assembly teenagers' wishes, and the chance to use decision-making views to this severe quarter. This file summarizes the workshop.

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To avoid confusion, we will use the following terms throughout this paper. We use the term risk judgment to reflect magnitude assessments of risk. ) would be considered to be a nonconditional risk judgment. ). When assessments of risk do not involve magnitude estimates, we use the term risk identification. ). Although risk identification and judgment may be the most direct ways to tap assessments of risk, individuals’ affective responses to specific situations and/or outcomes also can be informative.

Urberg and Robbins (1981) found significant differences in both perceived costs and perceived benefits between 12 to 15 year old nonsmokers who intended to smoke and those with no smoking intentions; adolescents with intentions to smoke perceived more benefits and fewer costs than their counterparts. Covington and Omelich (1992) examined perceived risks and benefits to smoking between regular smokers and nonsmoking sixth, eighth, and tenth graders and also found that regular smokers perceived fewer costs and more benefits than did nonsmokers.

Two other studies also failed to find age differences. In a small sample (N=62) of people with learning and behavior problems, Kaser-Boyd et al. (1985) found younger adolescents to be as competent as older adolescents in their ability to consider consequences. Ambuel (1992) studied 13 to 21 year olds (N=75) who suspected an unplanned pregnancy and were seeking a pregnancy test. Comparisons between younger minors (ages 13–15 years) and 24 PERCEPTIONS OF RISK AND VULNERABILITY older minors (16-17) showed no differences in their consideration of consequences.

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