By Amos Harel

This is the 1st accomplished account of the development of the second one Lebanese struggle, from the border abduction of an Israeli soldier at the morning of July 12, 2006, during the hasty determination for an competitive reaction; the fateful discussions within the cupboard and the senior Israeli command; to the heavy scuffling with in south Lebanon and the raging diplomatic battles in Paris, Washington and New York.  

The e-book solutions the subsequent questions: has Israel discovered the fitting classes from this failed military confrontation? What can Western nations study from the IDF's failure opposed to a fundamentalist Islamic terror organization?  And what position did Iran and Syria play during this affair?

34 Days delivers the 1st blow-by-blow account of the Lebanon battle and new insights for the way forward for the zone and its results at the West. 

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34 Days: Israel, Hezbollah, and the War in Lebanon

This is often the 1st entire account of the development of the second one Lebanese struggle, from the border abduction of an Israeli soldier at the morning of July 12, 2006, in the course of the hasty selection for an competitive reaction; the fateful discussions within the cupboard and the senior Israeli command; to the heavy scuffling with in south Lebanon and the raging diplomatic battles in Paris, Washington and ny.

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Extra resources for 34 Days: Israel, Hezbollah, and the War in Lebanon

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With all due respect to Israel not wanting to open a second front during that fateful week in October, the fact that—after scrupulously obeying all United Nations demands—Israel did not retaliate against the abduction and murder of three soldiers was tantamount to inviting the enemy to forge ahead, undisturbed, with its plans. Moreover, by thoroughly internalizing this policy, field commanders actually resigned themselves to Hezbollah deployment along the border, a fact that was to play a decisive role in the 2006 abduction.

In his eyes, there was no crack in the logic behind the decision to withdraw as a result of Assad’s refusal to act according to the Israeli prime minister’s grand plan. To others, the decision to withdraw without an agreement was first and foremost a political consideration. Less than one year after his electoral victory, Barak’s popularity was plummeting. Were he to renege on his pledge to withdraw from Lebanon, a pledge that had contributed considerably to his election success, he was liable to lose any support he still had.

The committee felt that a parliamentary presence would afford the organization a platform, legal legitimization, and the ability to promote the interests of the Shiite community in the fields of health, welfare, and a fairer distribution of the state’s budget. The organization also based itself on the religious judgment (fatwa) of Khaminai, who granted permission to participate in the elections. To a large extent, the decision turned out to be a wise one. Hezbollah achieved legitimacy in Lebanon without the need to disarm.

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